Inside 10 New Haggadahs for 2024: America and Israel Take Their Places at the Seder Table

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Among the new Haggadahs to be published in 2024 are several for families and one for Star Wars fans. Collage by Mollie Suss via JTA.org

Philissa Cramer and Penny Schwartz

The creators of new Passover Haggadahs focused on Zionism and American patriotism were working on their projects long before Oct. 7, when Hamas attacked Israel and triggered a war in Gaza and a broad reckoning over both Israel and the place of Jews in the United States.

Now, the Haggadahs arrive at a time when the crisis is certain to be a looming presence at seder tables across the Jewish world when Passover begins on the evening of April 22.

A range of Haggadah supplements focused squarely on Oct. 7 have become available in recent weeks, as Jewish leaders aim to help families talk about the attack and its aftermath during their seders.

But the Haggadah marketplace goes far beyond the moment, and not all of the new entrants to the seder scene this year are so serious: There are also parody Haggadahs inspired by Star Wars and the Jewish filmmaker and comedian Mel Brooks, as well as two new books designed for families with young children and new efforts from longtime suppliers of Jewish ritual texts.

Here are 10 Haggadahs to freshen up your seder this year or in the future.

For American patriots
Exactly when the traditional Haggadah text was finalized isn’t known, but it was at least 1,400 years before anyone featured in “The Promise of Liberty: A Passover Haggada” was even born. The book — by two history buffs, Yeshiva University official Rabbi Stuart Halpern and health care executive Jacob Kupietzky — draws parallels between the Exodus story and the founding of the United States. It also includes examples of Americans over time who have taken inspiration from Moses, including Harriet Tubman, who led enslaved Black people to freedom through the Underground Railroad.

For the Zionist — or the doubter
Marvin Chinitz, a physician in suburban New York City, first envisioned a Haggadah focused on the modern state of Israel because he was dissatisfied with the Israel education at his children’s Jewish day school. “The Chinitz Zion Haggadah” arrives at a time when Zionism is perhaps more hotly contested than ever before, with the Israel-Hamas war triggering both vociferous pro-Israel and anti-Israel activity. The book contains both the traditional text and commentaries that aim to “transform the connection of our seder from the story of God and the Israelites to the story of God and modern Israel.” Chinitz says he sought to keep the book apolitical, opting for questions over didacticism and believes the book could be especially helpful for brokering a peaceful seder for families — like his own, he says — where not everyone identifies as a Zionist.

For those who want to incorporate Oct. 7 into their seder
This year’s Passover will be the first since the Oct. 7 attack on Israel reshaped the Jewish world. A range of supplements aims to shape and ease the way the trauma is reflected at the seder table. One, in Hebrew, was produced by Israeli rabbis, some with a connection to the crisis. Another came from rabbis at the nondenominational Academy for Jewish Religion in the United States, while the Reform movement has released its own. And anyone who has picked up the Kveller Haggadah from our families-focused sister site over the last four years since it was published will want to sign up to get the Oct. 7 supplement with seven ways to address the crisis at their seders.

For visual storytellers (and Hebrew speakers)
An Israeli artist collective known as Asufa has for the last decade put out a Haggadah featuring colorful and sometimes edgy illustrations by a slew of up-and-coming artists. After a 10th anniversary edition last year that included English, this year’s version is back to all Hebrew. But some of the images, including ones that show a soldier and his wife embracing and Red Cross ambulances bringing freed hostages back to Israel, reflect this year’s collective traumas — and that needs no translation.

For fans of a ‘Darth Seder’
From the author of Haggadahs about emojis, Seinfeld, Shakespeare and COVID-19 comes a new one for anyone with a passion for Star Wars, the sci-fi franchise that has populated film, television, gaming and merch for nearly 50 years. Martin Bodek is a historian of the Haggadah, and his new “This Haggadah is The Way: A Star Wars Unofficial Passover Parody” preserves the traditional text but has fun with the English translation, referring to matzah as “polystarch puffbread” and asking, “Why is this galaxy different from all other galaxies?” Bodek omitted any footnotes to help readers understand the allusions, writing, “Either you’ll catch my blitz of references because of your extreme nerdery, or you’ll look it up because of your excessive dorkery. If you can’t or won’t do either, then this isn’t the book you’re looking for, now is it?”

Two new Haggadahs published in 2024 offer patriotic takes on the United States and Israel. Courtesy Koren Publishers; Gefen Publishing House via JTA.org

For Mel Brooks fans
Another spoof Haggadah comes from Dave Cowen, who has pilloried “Seinfeld,” Kanye West and the last two U.S. presidents in his previous outings. This year’s Mel Brooks-inspired version doesn’t aim to stand alone at the seder table, but it does include parts for Brooks — who speaks as Moses, whom he played in “History of the World Part I” — and his frequent comedy collaborators, including Carl Reiner and Gene Wilder. The zany text also grapples with current events, sketching out a debate among comics about the propriety of a cease-fire in the Israel-Hamas war and alluding to declining support for Israel among younger demographics. “Can we at least try to come up with something, a parody song ‘Karpas for…’ based on ‘Springtime for Hitler,’ that would satisfy both sides of this political and generational divide?” the Wilder character asks.

For families seeking contemporary resonance
Two rabbis who penned “An Invitation to Passover” have teamed up again for an inspiring family Haggadah that brings the seder into contemporary times. Sprinkled throughout the traditional narrative, Kerry Olitzky and Deborah Bodin Cohen’s “The Heroes Haggadah: Lead the Way to Freedom” showcases dozens of Jewish heroes from all walks of life — Ruth Bader Ginsburg; Anat Hoffman, the Israeli gender-equality activist; Volodymyr Zelensky; Jewish NFL star Julian Edelman; Rabbi Angela Buchdahl, the first Asian American rabbi, and Gershom Sizomu, the chief rabbi of Uganda’s Jewish community. Global Jewish recipes include several from Michael Twitty, author of “Kosher Soul,” and Groucho Marx’s matzo balls.

For a fresh spin on a classic for kids
More than two decades after its first publication, Rahel Musleah’s richly illustrated “Why On This Night: A Passover Haggadah for Family Celebration” has been reissued. It now boasts a colorful new cover by Louise August and updated sections to keep it fresh and full of customs from across the globe. The lyrically written abbreviated Haggadah includes Hebrew and English translation and transliteration. There’s fun to be had with a short play, songs and recipes, including a new one for Turkish tishpishti, a Sephardic nutcake.

For human rights enthusiasts
Interested in discussing workers’ rights, prison labor or reparations during the seder? Consider “The Human Rights Haggadah,” by Shlomo Levin, who holds both Orthodox rabbinic ordination and a master’s degree in international law from the United Nations’ University for Peace in Costa Rica. The text includes classic Jewish sources on human rights issues, information about international law and explorations of how human rights and Jewish values intersect.

For a new classic
The bentcher, or songbook, released by Yedid Nefesh more than a decade ago has become a classic at weddings and Shabbat tables. Now, the imprint, under the direction of Rabbi Joshua Cahan, has released its first Haggadah. At $18, the Yedid Nefesh Haggadah is designed for mass use and comfort at the seder table. Including both brief commentaries and transliterations for most of the seder text, the Haggadah aims to be equally accessible for experienced seder-goers and those who are fresher to the ritual.

 

A Bill to Create a National Coordinator to Fight Antisemitism Is Drawing Rare Bipartisan Support in Congress

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U.S. Rep. Kathy Manning of North Carolina (Kathy Manning for Congress via JTA.org)

Ron Kampeas

WASHINGTON — Republicans and Democrats in Congress are uniting to pass a bill that would create a national coordinator of the fight against antisemitism — though it faces competition from another Republican-backed bill that seeks to define antisemitism.

The bipartisan Countering Antisemitism Act, introduced last week, is meant to advance President Joe Biden’s national strategy to fight antisemitism, rolled out nearly a year ago. The plan focused on action across the executive branch, demanding reforms in federal agencies from the Education Department to the Department of Agriculture.

The national coordinator would help see through those reforms. The coordinator would also receive an annual assessment of violent antisemitism nationwide from law enforcement and intelligence agencies. The position would be a counterpart to the State Department’s antisemitism envoy, who focuses on anti-Jewish bigotry abroad.

Rep. Kathy Manning said that the bill was in the works before the outbreak of the Israel-Hamas war on Oct. 7, but that the ensuing rise in antisemitic incidents and rhetoric made it more urgent.

“We have seen it spread on social media, the protests on college campuses are beyond what anyone expected, “ she said. Manning, a North Carolina Democrat, is one of three lead sponsors of the bill, along with Rep. Chris Smith, a New Jersey Republican, Sen. Jacky Rosen, a Nevada Democrat, and Sen. James Lankford, an Oklahoma Republican. Manning and Rosen are Jewish.

But that is not the only legislation seeking to fight antisemitism. One day after the bipartisan bill was introduced, Republican Rep. Anthony D’Esposito of New York introduced legislation on how to define antisemitism.

That bill wades into a long-running debate over the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s working definition of antisemitism. The IHRA definition has been endorsed by hundreds of countries, local governments, universities and corporations, but has drawn criticism because it includes certain forms of criticism of Israel, such as calling it a “racist endeavor.”

D’Esposito’s bill would codify the IHRA definition across U.S. law, including in jury instructions and applications of civil rights laws. Talking points from D’Esposito’s office, circulated by the National Jewish Advocacy Center, which backs the bill, said it does not target legitimate Israel criticism.

“The definition makes clear that ‘criticism of Israel similar to that leveled against any other country cannot be regarded as antisemitic,’ and that none of the examples, even the ones about Israel are automatically antisemitic; just that they ‘could, taking into account the overall context,’ be antisemitic,” the talking points said.

The D’Esposito bill, while endorsed only by Republicans, expands on a separate bipartisan bill that was introduced shortly after Oct. 7 but has yet to be advanced. That bill would codify the IHRA definition when enforcing Title VI of the Civil Rights Act,  which denies federal funding to institutions that discriminate against several protected classes and has emerged as a preferred tool of activists fighting antisemitism and anti-Zionism on college campuses.

Following Biden’s rollout of the plan to counter antisemitism last May, a number of right-leaning Jewish advocacy groups criticized it for citing both the IHRA definition as well as another one, called the Nexus definition. Nexus places a greater focus on parsing when anti-Israel criticism verges into antisemitism.

Manning’s bipartisan bill seeks to avoid that debate. A press release from her office included endorsements from an array of organizations that prefer the IHRA definition. But it also has the backing of the group of scholars who wrote the Nexus definition.

The American Jewish Committee, which supports the IHRA definition, will be launching a campaign on Tuesday called Voices Against Antisemitism in which it calls on constituents to ask their representatives to support the bill. The groups endorsing the bill focused on what they said was the importance of creating the coordinator position at a time of rising antisemitism.

“Given the unprecedented surge of antisemitism in the U.S. following the Oct. 7th terrorist attacks on Israel, this legislation is a significant step in protecting American Jewry and combating the oldest of hatreds,” said William Daroff, the CEO of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations.

That message was echoed by Jonathan Jacoby, the director of the Nexus Leadership Project. “The disturbing rise in antisemitic incidents nationwide urgently demands the comprehensive, multi-pronged effort laid out in the U.S. National Strategy to Counter Antisemitism,” he said in a statement.

Kevin Rachlin, Nexus’ Washington director, said the need for a domestic antisemitism coordinator made the bill an easy sell for the group. But he noted other positives, including that the bill says that the IHRA definition is non-binding.

Rachlin said the bill also would please liberals because it focuses as much on right-wing antisemitism as it does on the left, at a time when he says many Republicans are ignoring the threat from the right.

Those “looking for actions to actually counter antisemitism, the tachles of it,” should be satisfied by the bill, Rachlin said, using a Yiddish word roughly meaning “bottom line.” He said the bill is “pushing back on this rising tide from the right and what’s happening on the left as well.”

Manning said she realized early on that she needed language in the bill to address how both Republicans and Democrats see the threat of antisemitism.

“The language we have in the bill was very carefully negotiated,” she said. “The interesting thing about the composition of the Congress right now is if you actually want to get something passed, you have to have something that you can get Republicans in the House willing to lead, and Democrats in the Senate willing to lead. So that calls for a truly bipartisan approach.”

In that vein, D’Esposito’s bill, backed only by Republicans, has no chance on its own of becoming law. But parts of it may be wrapped into Manning’s legislation as an amendment, an occasional outcome when multiple bills address the same topic.

The Manning-Rosen bill may still face controversy: A substantial portion is devoted to combating antisemitism on American campuses, and activists on the left worry that the fight against campus antisemitism is sometimes used as a way to shut down criticism of Israel.

Lara Friedman, the president of the Foundation for Middle East Peace, noted on X, formerly Twitter, that the bill’s section on higher education cites a 2019 executive order on antisemitism by President Donald Trump.

“That EO, as a reminder, centers on enforcing the IHRA definition, including its examples as part of Title VI, as a means of repressing/punishing/chilling criticism and activism targeting Israel and/or Zionism on U.S. campuses,” she said.

Emma Saltzberg, the U.S. strategic director for the Diaspora Alliance, a progressive Jewish organization that seeks to combat antisemitism and opposes the IHRA definition, said the Manning-Rosen bill is better than D’Esposito’s. But she said her group could not endorse it in part because the coordinator position would not be subject to congressional confirmation.

“This coordinator position, unlike the special envoy to monitor and combat antisemitism, would just be a presidential appointment, which means that there are no formal mechanisms for Democratic [Party] input into that decision,” she said. “And we can only imagine what a Trump administration might do with that kind of appointment.”

Ken Holtzman, Winningest Jewish Pitcher in MLB History, Dies at 78

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Ken Holtzman pitching for the Chicago Cubs during the 1968 season. (Sporting News via Getty Images via JTA.org)

Jacob Gurvis

Ken Holtzman, the winningest Jewish pitcher in baseball history, died Sunday night at 78 years old.

The MLB veteran threw two no-hitters, won four World Series rings and beat Sandy Koufax head-to-head once across 15 seasons in the 1960s and 1970s. He had been hospitalized for three weeks with heart issues, his brother Bob told the St. Louis Post-Dispatch.

He would later work at a local JCC and as a manager in Israel’s short-lived professional baseball league — though he quit before the season ended, citing poor conditions.

Holtzman was drafted by the Cubs in the first-ever MLB Draft in 1965, and went on to play for the Cubs in two stints; the Oakland Athletics, where he won three consecutive titles from 1972-1974; the Baltimore Orioles; and the New York Yankees, where he won his fourth ring in 1978 despite not appearing in the series. He was a two-time All-Star.

In a post Monday announcing Holtzman’s passing, the Cubs remembered him as “one of the best left-handed pitchers in Cubs history.”

 

As a young Jewish lefty pitcher breaking into the big leagues in 1965, Holtzman often drew comparisons to Los Angeles Dodgers great Sandy Koufax, who was in the midst of a dazzling stretch of dominance that concluded with his retirement in 1966.

On Sept. 25, 1966, in Koufax’s penultimate regular season start, the two lefties faced off in what the Jewish Baseball Museum considers to be the first-ever matchup between two Jewish starting pitchers. (It’s only happened five times; Holtzman was involved in three of them.)

Both pitchers threw complete games, and both had only one earned run — though the Cubs scored another unearned run, giving Holtzman the win over Koufax that day. He was the last pitcher to beat the Hall of Famer during the regular season. Holtzman would end his career with 174 wins, nine more than Koufax. He also racked up 1,601 strikeouts, second to Koufax (2,396) among Jewish pitchers, and a 3.49 ERA.

Holtzman retired after the 1979 season and earned four Hall of Fame votes in 1985 and five in 1986. He is a member of the St. Louis Jewish Sports Hall of Fame, the International Jewish Sports Hall of Fame and the Chicago Cubs Hall of Fame.

After his playing career ended, Holtzman, a St. Louis native, worked at his hometown JCC, running the gymnasium and coaching the JCC’s Maccabi baseball teams.

Holtzman also managed the Petach Tikva Pioneers in the Israel Baseball League’s first and only season in 2007, though he left during the season because of disagreements and disappointment over the state of the league.

At the beginning of the season, according to coverage at the time in the Israeli news site Walla, Holtzman expressed hope that the IBL could popularize baseball in Israel in the same way basketball had gained a following there. But his optimism appeared to have vanished as the season got underway. In an interview translated into Hebrew for Walla, he said the players wouldn’t be able to make it in the United States, denigrated the ballparks and predicted (accurately) that the league would fail. Walla reported that the game that day drew only 30 or 40 fans.

When Holtzman quit near the end of the season, his team, the Petach Tikva Pioneers, had a record of 7-31. They finished in the cellar of the six-team league, eight games behind the fifth-place team.

“He is a big boy,” IBL Commissioner Dan Kurtzer said upon Holtzman’s departure, according to the Jerusalem Post. “There’s no hard feelings on our side. He came out here and it wasn’t easy to leave his family and other activities.”

Fanchon Auman, who chaired the St. Louis JCC’s sports recreation and aquatics department from 1993 until 2016, said that Holtzman’s name recognition helped bring people into the building, and that he was a valued member of the team.

“People were very proud to have him as a figurehead and as part of our department,” Auman said. “Everyone was very proud to have him in our community.”

Spurred by Iran Attack, House Will Vote on Long-delayed Foreign Aid Package for Israel, Other Allies

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U.S. Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, a Louisiana Republican, speaks with reporters as he returns to his office at the U.S. Capitol Building on Feb. 5. (Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images via JTA.org)

Ron Kampeas

WASHINGTON — The House will vote on sending approximately $14 billion in aid to Israel and other U.S. allies, Speaker Mike Johnson said on Monday, ending a months-long holdup of foreign assistance passed by the Senate.

The upcoming vote is the latest ripple effect of Iran’s attack on Israel this weekend. Johnson, a Republican, has agreed with Democratic colleagues that Israel should receive the aid — though the parties continue to blame each other for delaying its passage and undermining Israel’s security.

“We know that the world is watching us to see how we react,” Johnson said, according to media reports. “We have terrorists and tyrants and terrible leaders around the world like Putin and Xi and in Iran, and they’re watching to see if America will stand up for its allies and our interests around the globe — and we will.”

The Democratic-led Senate passed a $95 billion bill in February to deliver aid to Israel, Ukraine and Taiwan, but it hit a roadblock in the Republican-led House, where some members of Johnson’s party objected to delivering aid to Ukraine and giving President Joe Biden a legislative victory. Johnson had passed a standalone Israel aid bill in the House.

But late Monday, Johnson said he would break the Senate bill up into its component parts and vote on each separately — including separate bills on Ukraine, Israel and Asia-Pacific aid. The bills still essentially total the sum of the Senate bill and can be passed through reconciliation.

Rep. Steve Scalise, the Louisiana Republican who is the House majority leader, cleared the schedule to accelerate an aid package when Congress reconvenes on Tuesday.

Scalise called Netanyahu to tell him the good news, and, according to Netanyahu’s office, signaled his disagreement with Biden, who has asked Netanyahu to be cautious about how and whether he  retaliates against Iran.

Scalise “called Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and expressed support for any decision that Israel makes in light of the Iranian attack,” the prime minister’s office said on Monday. “Scalise informed the Prime Minister of his initiative to advance in Congress, in the coming days, a series of measures against Iran and for Israel; Prime Minister Netanyahu thanked him.”

In recent days. House Democrats have lashed out at Johnson for delaying the aid. “You and your party are the reason vital aid to Israel isn’t already there!” Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz, a Florida Jewish Democrat and pro-Israel stalwart, tweeted on Saturday.

Rep. Josh Gottheimer, a New Jersey Jewish Democrat, got 91 House members — including at least one prominent Republican, Joe Wilson of South Carolina, who chairs the House Middle East subcommittee — to sign a letter to Johnson urging him to bring the Senate bill to the House floor.

“This weekend, the Iranian regime launched hundreds of drones, cruise missiles, and ballistic missiles directly against our key, democratic ally in the Middle East, Israel,” the letter said. “Time is of the essence, and we must ensure critical aid is delivered to Israel and our other democratic allies facing threats from our adversaries around the world.”

A senior Biden administration official told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency that drafting a new bill would be a waste of time and that the Senate version “is still our preference.”

“It passed the Senate overwhelmingly, as you know, and would have a much quicker path to the president’s desk if the speaker were to put it on the floor instead of trying to devise new legislation,” the official said on Sunday. “For what it’s worth, more than half of the Israel funding in the Senate-passed bill (which the president had requested) would go to air defenses like what Israel used last night. And of course the Ukraine funding within that bill is urgently needed.”

Aid to Israel has also faced opposition in the House from close to 60 Democrats who called on Biden to withhold aid to Israel until it investigates the deadly strike on aid workers from the World Central Kitchen. But where opposition to Israel assistance stands now is unclear.

At least one of the signatories of the April 5 letter calling for Biden to suspend aid to Israel, California Rep. Sara Jacobs, who is Jewish, signed the April 14 letter spearheaded by Gottheimer, calling on Johnson to rush aid to Israel. Other progressive critics of Israel have been relatively silent.

In a rare joint statement on Sunday, two partisan Jewish groups urged House passage of emergency aid for Israel. The statement, by the Republican Jewish Coalition and the Democratic Majority for Israel, did not recommend a bill, but referred favorably to the Senate joint Israel-Ukraine package.

“President Biden, Speaker Johnson, Leader [Chuck] Schumer, Minority Leader [Mitch] McConnell and House Minority Leader  [Hakeem] Jeffries all support much needed aid for Israel. Democrats and Republicans in the Senate came together to pass that aid months ago,” the statement said. “Democratic Majority for Israel and the Republican Jewish Coalition both believe the House of Representatives must also pass an emergency supplemental that can be signed by the President.”

Another past opponent of Senate aid legislation — Donald Trump — also gave mixed signals on Israel at a rally in Pennsylvania.

At the rally on Saturday, Trump said, “America prays for Israel. We send our absolute support to everyone in harm’s way.” He also claimed, as he has regarding Hamas’ Oct. 7 invasion of Israel, that Iran;s attack “would not have happened if we were in office, you know that, they know that, everybody knows that.”

But within minutes, the crowd, including a number of people standing on stage with Trump, were chanting “Genocide Joe,” a phrase coined by far-left critics of Biden’s support for Israel’s war in Gaza.

It was not clear what prompted the chant — it came right after Trump said Pennsylvanioa voters would “fire” Biden — but Trump affirmed the chanters, saying multiple times, “They’re not wrong.”

A spokesman for Trump’s campaign did not return an inquiry about what the former president meant by “They’re not wrong.” In an interview last month with a right-leaning Israeli outlet, Trump said Israel “has to be very careful because you’re losing a lot of the world.”

But later, Trump’s campaign spokeswoman, Karoline Leavitt, said he was standing behind Israel.

“President Trump was made aware of the attack on Israel last night on our way to his rally in Pennsylvania,” she said Sunday on Fox and Friends. “And he made it a priority to ensure that those remarks were at the top of his speech to express 100% support for Israel.”

ADL Says Antisemitic Incidents More Than Doubled Last Year, Driven by Surge After Oct. 7

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anti-semitism dictionary definition
tzahiV / iStock / Getty Images Plus

Luke Tress

The number of antisemitic incidents more than doubled last year, shooting up particularly following Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack on Israel, according to the Anti-Defamation League’s annual audit.

The ADL and other Jewish organizations, in addition to law enforcement agencies, have reported a spike in antisemitism after Oct. 7, as protests against Israel have taken place across the country.

But the ADL report found that antisemitic incidents were rising prior to Oct. 7, and that even after the outbreak of the Israel-Hamas war, nearly half of the reported incidents did not directly involve Israel.

The report, published Tuesday, tabulated a total of 8,873 incidents over the course of 2023. Of those, more than half — 5,204 — occurred after Oct. 7.

By contrast, the group tallied 3,697 incidents over all of 2022. At the time, that was a record in the more than 40 years since the ADL began issuing the reports. It has since been shattered.

Last year’s tally includes increases in the number of antisemitic assaults (161), acts of vandalism (2,177) and harassment (6,535). The number of swastikas reported, 1,117, represents a 41% increase from 2022. Ten percent of all anti-Jewish incidents, or 922, happened on college campuses.

Part of the increase in recent years is due to more robust reporting methods, such as including incidents reported by partner organizations, which started in 2021. Tuesday’s report also includes an update in the ADL’s methodology that classifies certain anti-Israel activities as antisemitic, which accounts for 15% of the annual total.

The ADL has come under fire from left-wing activists for portraying pro-Palestinian activism as antisemitism, a charge the group denies. But even without its methodology update, according to the report, 2023 still would have seen more than 7,000 acts of antisemitism, far more than any previous year. And the report says that even if all Israel-related incidents were removed, antisemitism still would have risen 65%.

“Antisemitism is nothing short of a national emergency, a five-alarm fire that is still raging across the country and in our local communities and campuses,” the CEO of the ADL, Jonathan Greenblatt, said in a statement. “Jewish Americans are being targeted for who they are at school, at work, on the street, in Jewish institutions and even at home. This crisis demands immediate action from every sector of society and every state in the union.”

To combat the rise in hate, the ADL is calling on governors to implement strategies to counter antisemitism in state-level programs analogous to the White House’s National Strategy to Counter Antisemitism released last year.

The report shows that even before Oct. 7, antisemitism was on the rise. From January to the beginning of October, there were 3,669 antisemitic incidents — close to the total for the entire previous year.

But the pace of incidents accelerated rapidly after Oct. 7. Just over half of them — 52% — directly concerned Israel. And the pace did not die down as the weeks passed following Oct. 7. The ADL found that there were 1,813 incidents in October, 1,575 in November and 1,938 in December.

The total number of post-Oct. 7 incidents, more than 5,200, is far higher than the 3,283 incidents tabulated during nearly the same period in a preliminary ADL report that was released in mid-January. The number of incidents grew much higher, an ADL spokesperson said, because law enforcement agencies and other groups that track hate take time to compile their own tallies.

The ADL altered its methodology after Oct. 7 to include in the tally “certain expressions of opposition to Zionism, as well as support for resistance against Israel or Zionists that could be perceived as supporting terrorism or attacks on Jews, Israelis or Zionists.”

One example of that, the group said, were images of hang gliders — which Hamas terrorists used to infiltrate Israel during the Oct. 7 massacre. Another was the slogan “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free,” a common chant at pro-Palestinian rallies that many Jewish groups see as a call for the destruction of Israel.

The updated methodology accounted for 1,350 incidents, around a quarter of the post-Oct. 7 total, including 1,180 rallies.

Over the course of the whole year, 3,162 incidents, or 36% of the total, involved references to Israel or Zionism. That was a steep increase over 2022, when 241 incidents, or 6.5%, included anti-Israel sentiment.

At anti-Israel protests, the researchers cited antisemitic tropes, including accusations that Jews control the media or U.S. government, that Jews were involved in the 9/11 attacks, and accusations that Israel “harvests” Palestinian organs or imagery showing Israelis drinking blood, which the researchers linked to historical blood libels. Other speakers at protesters called Israelis and Zionists “bloodsuckers” or “parasites,” the report said.

At least one high-profile incident of harm to a Jew did not make the report. While the report tallied 161 incidents of antisemitic assault, it did not include the death of pro-Israel protester Paul Kessler because the circumstances are still under investigation.

Orthodox Jews, who tend to be more readily identifiable as Jewish, were targeted in 34% of assaults, despite, according to a 2021 Pew Research Center survey, making up around 9% of the Jewish population. Previous ADL reports have also found that Orthodox Jews are disproportionately victims of assault.

Nearly 2,000 incidents targeted Jewish institutions including synagogues, Jewish community centers and schools, a spike of 237% over 2022. The increase was partly due to a surge in bomb threats, mostly targeting synagogues. There were 1,009 bomb threats, up from only 91 in 2022.

On campuses, antisemitic incidents skyrocketed from 219 in 2022 to 922 last year — most of which occurred post-Oct. 7. The updated methodology accounted for more than a third of that total. In non-Jewish K-12 schools, antisemitic incidents also more than doubled.

White supremacist propaganda also surged, with 1,160 instances last year, compared to 852 in 2022. Most of those incidents were distributing fliers with antisemitic messaging.  White supremacist groups also latched onto the Oct. 7 attack with propaganda that said “Death to Israel” and “End Jewish terror.” The most prominent of these groups was the Goyim Defense League, which was responsible for 529 instances of antisemitism.

California had the most recorded incidents, with 1,266, followed by New York, with 1,218, and New Jersey, with 830.

The report came a day after pro-Palestinian groups lashed out at Greenblatt and the ADL after he compared keffiyehs, or Palestinian headscarves, to Nazi armbands during an interview with MSNBC. More than 60 Muslim, Arab and Palestinian groups signed a letter calling the comments “hateful” and “dangerous.” The campaign echoes previous efforts urging civil rights groups to “Drop the ADL” as a partner.

The ADL, which has also faced criticism from the right in recent years, says it does not favor one side of the political spectrum over the other. It says it adheres to the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance working definition of antisemitism, which has been endorsed by hundreds of countries, local governments, universities and corporations and has drawn criticism for classifying some Israel criticism as antisemitism.

ADL researchers compiled the data using information from victims, law enforcement, the media and partner organizations. The incidents include both criminal and non-criminal acts in public and private settings, and online incidents of harassment in cases of direct messages and some social media settings. “Sprees,” such as multiple instances of antisemitism at a single event, were counted only once.

In Landmark Ruling, Argentine Court Says Iran, Hezbollah Responsible for 1994 Jewish Center Bombing

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Juan Melamed

An Argentine court has ruled that Iran and Hezbollah were behind the 1994 bombing of the AMIA Jewish community center in Buenos Aires, a landmark development in the reckoning over the antisemitic attack that may open the door to international legal action.

In a nearly 800-page ruling, the country’s highest criminal court said on Thursday that Iran directed the 1994 bombing of AMIA, which killed 85 people, and defined the attack as “a crime against humanity” and Iran as “a terrorist state.” The bombing was, at the time, the deadliest single attack on Jews since the Holocaust. It came two years after a bombing at the Israeli embassy in Buenos Aires killed 29.

Controversy over the bombing, and who is culpable for it, has roiled Argentina’s politics and legal system for decades.

In 2015, Alberto Nisman, a Jewish prosecutor, was found dead in his apartment shortly before he was to present evidence that the country’s then-president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, had covered up Iran’s role in the attack. In 2013, Kirchner had signed a memorandum of understanding with Iran that allowed Iran and Argentina to jointly investigate the attack.

An official report found in 2017 that Nisman was murdered. Kirchner later served as Argentina’s vice president from 2019 to 2023 and was convicted on separate corruption charges shortly before leaving office, which she was expected to appeal.

Argentina has South America’s largest Jewish population, at more than 200,000. Jorge Knoblovits, president of the Argentine Jewish umbrella organization DAIA, welcomed the ruling in a statement.

“We must applaud these judges, who have had courage and probity,” he said, noting that the ruling “opens the possibility of a lawsuit in the International Criminal Court.”

Argentina’s new president, Javier Milei, is a Catholic who has called Judaism a source of his values and embraced Israel, which is currently in hostilities with Iran and Hezbollah. In a statement, his office praised the ruling.

“The office of the president welcomes the ruling … that puts an end to decades of postponement and cover-up in the AMIA case,” Milei’s office said, adding that Milei has “asserted the absolute independence of the judiciary,” allowing the court “to exercise its function with total freedom, without political pressure, to deliver the justice that both victims and their families have been waiting for for decades.”

The ruling came months after the U.S. Justice Department charged a dual Colombian-Lebanese citizen with playing a key role in the bombing. According to the Justice Department, the suspect, Samuel Salman El Reda, 58, has been a Hezbollah operative since 1993. He was charged with providing material support to a designated terrorist organization.

ADL’s New ‘Report Card’ for Campus Antisemitism Gets an F from Hillel and Some Jewish Students

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Students and community members from Michigan State University Hillel hold a vigil after Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel. (Courtesy of Hillel International via JTA.org)

Andrew Lapin

Some Jewish students would like to see the Anti-Defamation League after class.

This week the antisemitism watchdog organization unveiled its Campus Antisemitism Report Card, a series of letter grades assigned to 85 colleges and universities based on how well the group believes they are addressing antisemitism. For many elite schools, the results were not good.

Only two schools — Brandeis, which was founded by Jews, and Elon — earned an “A.” Many others fared quite poorly, with Harvard, Stanford, Princeton and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology among the 13 “F” grades. Another 24 came away with “D”s, from Columbia and Barnard to Northwestern, Rutgers and Ohio State.

“Parents and students and other folks are used to seeing college grades and guides and rankings,” Shira Goodman, the ADL’s senior director of advocacy, said. She compared the report cards to the influential national college rankings by U.S. News and World Report.

“It is recognizable, it’s easily understandable,” Goodman said. “And we needed a way to distinguish between schools that were getting it right, schools that were kind of on the right track but needed more work, and schools that we felt were failing. And a grade can do that.”

But according to some of the Jewish students and professionals working on the campuses, the ADL got it wrong. In the day or so since the ADL released the grades, a number of students and Hillel directors — along with the CEO of Hillel International — have spoken out about the letter grades. One called the grade a “massive oversimplification” of complicated yet vibrant realities for Jewish students.

Rabbi Gil Steinlauf, executive director of Princeton’s Center for Jewish Life, called the ADL’s “F” grade for the university “misleading.” “In truth, over the past two years of my deep engagement with Jewish life on Princeton’s campus, I can say very clearly that Princeton is a great place to be Jewish,” Steinlauf wrote in a statement. He added that Princeton’s leadership, administration and faculty are “deeply supportive of our Jewish students.”

The pushback from Hillel is especially notable, as Hillel and the ADL have publicly partnered on initiatives to assess, report and combat antisemitism on campus. The list of schools that the ADL graded was based on Hillel International’s list of the top 30 public and private campuses by Jewish enrollment, along with other top nationally-ranked colleges.

The criticism comes despite Jewish groups being largely in agreement that campus antisemitism has become a significant problem, particularly since the outbreak of the Israel-Hamas war on Oct. 7.

“We do not believe it is constructive or accurate to try to assign grades to schools as a means of assessing the totality of Jewish student experience at those campuses,” Adam Lehman, Hillel International’s president and CEO, said in a statement. “Efforts to do so, however well-intended, produce misleading impressions regarding the actual Jewish student experience at those schools. On the contrary, we think it’s important for prospective students and families to pursue a more holistic understanding of Jewish campus life.”

Hillel and Chabad directors at several individual schools also decried the ratings system, including at Michigan State University (which scored an F), the University of Wisconsin-Madison, George Washington University and the University of Vermont (which all received Cs).

The Hillel and Chabad of Michigan State University issued a joint statement condemning the failing grade, saying it “misses the holistic picture of Jewish life on our campus.”

Greg Steinberger, director of Wisconsin’s Hillel, said that Jewish life on his campus “is better than the grade offered by ADL, which has a limited view of the campus and the vibrant Jewish experience offered by the university, and by on-campus organizations like UW Hillel.”

Adena Kirstein, executive director of the Hillel at George Washington University, told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency in a statement, “We believe strongly that boiling down any campus climate or nuanced communal environment to a single letter grade is a massive oversimplification of very complex dynamics.”

GWU scored a “C” in the ADL’s assessment — which the organization characterizes as “Corrections Needed” — in part due to headline-grabbing incidents of pro-Palestinian students projecting phrases including “Glory to our martyrs” onto campus buildings. At the same time, the report card noted the school has an “active Jewish life” and an anti-BDS policy, has formed an advisory council to address antisemitism, is participating in a Hillel-led antisemitism education program, and “publicly condemns antisemitic incidents.”

Factors in other schools’ assessments also appeared to be in tension with each other. Dartmouth College, a school the Secretary of Education has celebrated for its approach to communal dialogue around Israel, was rated a C, with the ADL citing a small number of student protests and “calls for divestment.” Other schools were marked down for incidents that administrators have addressed. The University of Vermont, which received a “C”, recently pledged to devote significant resources toward protecting Jewish students as part of the results of a Department of Education investigation.

Vermont’s own Hillel director, who has criticized the school’s administration in the past, says that pledge from university leadership deserves more attention.

“Jewish students receive prompt responses and follow through when they file bias and harassment reports,” Matt Vogel said in a statement. “Every campus in the country has antisemitism; what matters is how the university responds and the strong Jewish organizations that exist to support our communities.”

Responding to the criticisms Friday, ADL staff said they stood by the grading project and the process behind it. The ADL’s Goodman said the group views the grades as a “progress report” that can be changed if the schools take action. Several have already contacted the organization to ask how they can improve their standing, she said.

To determine how to assign the grades, ADL antisemitism researcher Masha Zemtsov said the group took a broad survey of Jewish college students nationwide, and also sent questionnaires to campus Hillel and Chabad representatives that could be filled out anonymously.

Individual students at each campus were not surveyed, though Goodman said the ADL hopes to do that in future years, along with expanding the roster of schools to grade.

The ADL also sent general queries to universities about their own steps to combat antisemitism, and sourced antisemitic incidents from a number of places: media reports; its own center on extremism, reports of incidents by students and faculty, and the Amcha Initiative, a pro-Israel campus advocacy group that compiles its own list of antisemitic incidents.

Campuses were graded, in part, on how well they responded to the ADL’s own requests to universities for how they can address antisemitism sent out at the start of the 2023-24 school year.

Some of the information included on its report cards, surrounding initiatives that are still in progress, was not actually taken into account while determining the schools’ grades; for example, whether a school was engaged in an active federal investigation or litigation, and whether it had pledged but not yet implemented an antisemitism strategy.

Zemtsov added that the ADL weighted three broad categories: incidents, Jewish student life and administrative policies around antisemitism. The weighting system, she said, was based on the responses in its survey of students, who she said gave more or less equal consideration to all three categories. This meant, said Zemtsov, that “there would be a student voice deciding how we basically weighted each of the criteria.”

The ADL also considered anti-Zionist protests, and gave particular weight to violent incidents and threats of violence, as well as incidents led by faculty or staff. Nonviolent student protests were given less weight.

ADL staff stressed that protests simply against Israeli policies wouldn’t count unless they crossed a line into more overt singling out of Israel. “We did not count just criticisms of the Israeli government, of the way Israel is prosecuting a war,” Zemtsov said, adding that the ADL only counted “really clear anti-Zionism, pro-terrorism, the way our center on extremism designates these things.”

Some Jewish groups said the ADL weighed Israel-related campus activity unfairly. Campuses with anti-Zionist protesters and active pro-Palestinian groups like Students for Justice in Palestine received markdowns in the “Incidents” portion of the ADL’s grading system.

Students active with J Street U, the campus arm of the liberal Israel lobby, said the ADL’s criteria didn’t match their experience.

“One of the criteria is, you’re doing well if you have pro-Israel programming on campus. Now, what that means to the ADL is radically different from what that means to someone who’s a part of J Street,” Meirav Solomon, a Jewish sophomore at Tufts University and president of the school’s J Street U chapter, said.

The ADL gave Tufts an F; the school has recently had contentious student government-led BDS votes that resulted in Jewish students being targeted with antisemitic language. But Solomon said that doesn’t tell the whole story, and compared the ADL’s report cards to “outside groups” with ideological agendas that have fought for a piece of the campus antisemitism narrative since Oct. 7.

“To give us an F is to basically paint with a very wide brush over the actual, nuanced experiences of what it actually means to be a Jewish student on college campus right now,” she said. “It honestly feels dismissing of my Jewish college experience.”

For Israelis Awaiting Iranian Missile Barrage, a Night of Terror Punctuated by Attempts at Humor

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Philissa Cramer

The sirens started blaring all over Israel just before 2 a.m. — in the south, in the north, near army bases around the country and, unusually, in and around Jerusalem.

The sirens are meant to stop Israelis in their tracks — or wake them from their slumber — and send them rushing to safe rooms when an air infiltration is detected.

Not that many people were sleeping easily. The barrage came after days of increasingly insistent warnings that Iran was planning to attack Israel, and hours after Israeli leaders, tipped off by U.S. officials, confirmed that Tehran had let loose an unprecedented volley of missiles.

Hundreds would be shot down on their way toward and over Israeli territory. For Israelis already on edge after six months of war with Hamas in Gaza, the warnings and then the assault made for a fear-filled night.

“I’ve never been blessed to need to wake up the kids and run … until now,” Michal Sklar, an American who moved to Jerusalem, wrote in an Instagram story. “Everyone singing nigguns [wordless Jewish songs] in the staircase helped. I’m now fully dressed and feel like I have 7 cups of coffee in me.”

Beatie Deutsch, the trailblazing Orthodox marathoner, posted about being atypically terrified during the assault.

“Tonight has not been an easy night,” Deutsch wrote in an Instagram story, in words imposed over a video of an overhead explosion taken from where she lives in a small community near Jerusalem. “I have never woken up in the middle of the night since the beginning of the war, but tonight I was frozen. Psalms on repeat. … I actually thought our Moshav was being attacked.”

In the lead-up to the attack, Israelis had largely gone about their lives while also stocking up on bottled water and making sure their phones stayed charged. Social media posts showed busy beaches on Saturday in Tel Aviv and in Jerusalem, the central Gan Sacher park resounded with celebrations for Sri Lankan New Year.

But after the IDF announced that rockets were incoming, the parties stopped and people headed home to hunker down. Soon, the sound of explosions filled the air — not of rockets reaching their targets, but of interceptions that prevented them from doing so. Israeli officials said several hours after the assault that 99% of the drones and missiles aimed at Israel had been shot down.

“As I sit in the mamad [safe room], dozens of explosions in the background, the only thing I can think about is how much I love each and every one of the people who developed and took care of all our interception systems,” tweeted Amit Mandelbaum, an Israeli tech entrepreneur. “Thank you, you are our angels.”

 

For some Israelis, gratitude about the functioning of the defense systems was entwined with disdain for the government for what its critics say is a predilection for conflict. Just before the attack began, tens of thousands of Israelis had turned out in Tel Aviv for a weekly anti-government protest that has recently resumed and strengthened, despite a new ban on large gatherings.

“Sorry to sound so basic, but there is nothing funny or normal about sitting at home anxiously waiting for missiles to reach us because of pyromaniacs with no regard for law or justice for over six months,” one woman, Sivan Tahel, wrote on Facebook. “Nothing.”

Others who have been critical of the government focused on thanking Israel’s allies.

“Thank you, President Biden. Thank you, U.S. military. Thank you for helping to protect our children tonight. We Israeli parents owe you after this night,” tweeted Amir Tibon, a journalist who is on leave from the left-wing newspaper Haaretz while he completes a book about his family’s harrowing Oct. 7 experience. He was among survivors of Hamas’ assault on Israel to meet with Biden in October and has praised him effusively since.

Before the rockets flew, Tibon had joked on X, formerly Twitter, about his family’s preparation for the Iran threat.

“Being married to a Russian, the granddaughter of the survivors of the siege of Leningrad, means that tonight I’m not standing in line at the supermarket or the Super-Pharm, because she sent me to buy everything for a week in the shelter the very day we killed that Iranian general in Damascus,” he had written.

Tibon was far from the only Israeli to joke about the threat. Social media was filled with memes and quips of varying degrees of darkness posted by anxious Israelis accustomed to countering danger with gallows humor.

“As far as I’m concerned, this is an exercise by some product manager … from the Home Front Command who realized that people were starting to uninstall their app and had to meet the quarterly goals of active users,” tweeted a man who works in Israel’s high-tech sector.

One meme circulating on social media accused Iran of trying to pour chametz, or food that cannot be eaten on Passover, into Israel in advance of the holiday that starts next week.

In the Secret Jerusalem Facebook group, amid serious posts about safe-room security and how to make sure phone alerts would work despite a national scrambling of GPS signals to complicate attackers, jokes about Passover prevailed. Wrote one woman, “I’m making sure that my chametz is packed into my emergency bag — and ready to be stress eaten.”

On Sunday morning, Israelis woke from their interrupted sleep to a sunny day, a sweeping sense of relief and even more efforts to make light of a scary situation. The order to stay close to their bomb shelters had been lifted.

In a video she posted to social media, the comedy influencer Michal Greenspan, a recent immigrant from the United States whose posts typically aim to explain Israel to non-Israelis, compared Iran to a man — known in contemporary slang as an “f—boy” — who tells a casual partner he’s coming over, prompting a frantic set of preparations, and then doesn’t arrive anytime soon.

“It takes nine hours to get here and then finally they get here and they have the audacity to, like, barely show up,” Span says in her bit. “And then when they do show up, they’re just like, ‘We’re done. If you actually want to hang, you’re going to have to come to me.’ I’m going to have to come to you?! … What kind of toxic masculinity is this?”

 

Israel Weighs How to Respond to Iran Attack as Biden Urges Restraint

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President Joe Biden and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu embrace on the tarmac at ben Gurion Airport on Oct. 18, 2023. (Avi Ohayon, Israel Government Press Office via JTA.org)

Ben Sales

More than 24 hours after stymieing a direct Iranian attack, Israel is weighing how to respond as the United States is urging restraint.

That decision will come alongside another pivotal one: how to respond to a truce proposal from Hamas that would halt the war in Gaza and free hostages in exchange for the release of more than a thousand Palestinian security prisoners.

Together, the decisions will help determine whether violence may cool in the region or heat up further. Iran’s attack on Israel — its first direct strike on the country following decades of proxy conflicts and a so-called “shadow war” — ramped up fears of a broader and bloodier conflict in the region that have been bubbling since Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack on Israel.

At the end of Sunday, Israeli authorities had lifted security restrictions and were signaling that life could return to normal, though a military official said, “We are in a long war and there may be changes in the coming days,” according to Israeli Channel 12.

That followed a harrowing few hours on Saturday night when Iran fired hundreds of missiles and attack drones at targets across Israel, with projectiles seen flying over the Dome of the Rock and Temple Mount, a Muslim and Jewish holy site. The attack was in response to the assassination of several Iranian military officials in Damascus, allegedly by Israel.

Israel, together with the United States, Jordan and other allies, thwarted the attack and shot down the vast majority of the incoming fire. No one was killed, and one young girl was seriously injured in southern Israel.

Israel’s three-man war cabinet — Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Defense Minister Yoav Gallant and former Defense Minister Benny Gantz — met on Sunday though reportedly did not come to an agreement on how to respond to the attack.

The United States is hoping to prevent a wider war. “We will continue to work together to stabilize the situation in the region and avoid further escalation,” President Joe Biden wrote on X, formerly Twitter, on Sunday.

Israel faces another choice as well: how to respond to the Hamas ceasefire proposal. The proposal, reported on Sunday, would see a lengthy pause in fighting in Gaza and the withdrawal of Israeli troops, possibly signaling the end of the war. At the end of a six-week period, Hamas would begin releasing civilian hostages followed by female soldiers and then, at the end, male soliders. In return for each released hostage, Israel would release 30 to 50 Palestinian prisoners who were arrested for security offenses.

The proposal is the latest in on-again-off-again indirect negotiations that have spanned much of the six-month-old war. Hamas has rejected several Israeli ceasefire proposals. Recently, it said it would not be able to identify 40 civilian hostages that it could release under the terms of a potential deal.

The terror group is holding more than 130 hostages in Gaza, as many as 100 of whom are thought to be alive.

Iran’s Attack Draws Israel and US Closer After Weeks of Growing Tension

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President Joe Biden meets with his top Cabinet and National Security officials to discuss Iran’s attacks on Israel, at the White House on April 13. (White House via JTA.org)

Ron Kampeas

WASHINGTON — Unqualified public expressions of support for Israel from President Joe Biden. The United States and other nations scrambling to protect Israel from rockets. Congress accelerating defense assistance to Israel.

When Iran attacked Israel on Saturday, it pulled Israel out of the isolation it was sinking into due to its war with Hamas. But if Israel chooses to strike Iran, it could renew tensions: According to multiple sources, Biden told Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that the United States would not support or participate in any retaliatory attack against Iran.

Still, when it became clear that Iran was set to launch hundreds of drones at Israel, Biden scrambled from his Delaware beach house to the White House on Saturday. The statement from the White House National Security Council spokeswoman, Adrienne Watson, was unequivocal:

“President Biden has been clear: Our support for Israel’s security is ironclad,” Watson said. “The United States will stand with the people of Israel and support their defense against these threats from Iran.”

Most of the missiles and drones fired by Iran were shot down. A young girl was seriously wounded but no one has been reported killed in the attack.

Biden met and consulted through the afternoon and the evening with his top national security staff. Toward the end of the evening, he and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu spoke by phone.

They have spoken throughout the Israel-Hamas war, but in recent months, Biden has only spoken to Netanyahu to berate him on Israel’s conduct in Gaza. Previously, Biden reportedly raised the possibility of conditioning aid to Israel — a step he had once ruled out.

This time, however, Biden was ready to shift into diplomatic overdrive to isolate Iran, according to the president’s statement summarizing his call with Netanyahu, which emphasized how close the relationship remains.

“Tomorrow, I will convene my fellow G7 leaders to coordinate a united diplomatic response to Iran’s brazen attack,” Biden said, referring to a group of seven major industrial powers. “ My team will engage with their counterparts across the region. And we will stay in close touch with Israel’s leaders.”

Netanyahu, who has lashed out at Democrats and at the Biden administration for their criticism, expressed gratitude.

“We appreciate the U.S. standing alongside Israel, as well as the support of Britain, France and many other countries,” he said in a video address.

Joining the U.S. military in assisting Israel in repelling the drones were the militaries of  Britain, France and Jordan — all countries that have in recent months excoriated Israel to varying degrees for its military campaign in Gaza and the humanitarian crisis there.

Jordan’s role in shooting down what, according to reports, was dozens of drones headed to Israel stood out because of the chill in relations between the countries, which signed a peace treaty in 1994.

The kingdom has taken a leading role in seeking to bring relief to Gaza Palestinians and has lacerated Israel for obstructing the aid’s entry. Jordan also is partially responsible for administering the Muslim presence on Jerusalem’s Temple Mount, a site that is holy to Jews and Muslims, who revere it as the Noble Sanctuary. The site has attracted controversy as figures in Israel have sought to expand Jewish prayer on the mount. It is frequently cited as a pretext for terror attacks on Israel, including Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack.

But Jordan and other Sunni Arab nations see Iran, and its backing for regional violence and unrest, as the greater threat. Iran helped the Assad regime survive the Syrian civil war, a long conflict that created a massive refugee crisis for Jordan. The United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, which signed normalization agreements with Israel in 2020, also seek to counter Iran.

Avi Melamed, a former Israeli intelligence official who specializes in Arab affairs, said the attacks were a wake-up call to the dangers posed by Iran.

“Where previously the Gaza war was creating tensions across the Middle East between Israel and its neighbors, and even created friction between Jerusalem and Washington, Iran’s attack has already increased coordination and warmed relations between Biden and Netanyahu,” he said in an email, “and even has reminded Arab nations of the constant threat that Iran continues to pose both to Israel and the stability of the region as a whole.”

Republicans and some Democrats pledged to accelerate a long delayed $14 billion emergency aid package Biden asked for after the war launched.

“In light of Iran’s unjustified attack on Israel, the House will move from its previously announced legislative schedule next week to instead consider legislation that supports our ally Israel and holds Iran and its terrorist proxies accountable,” Rep. Steve Scalise, the Louisiana Republican who is majority leader, said in a press release.

The Iranian attack came after Israel faced growing backlash from Democrats. Calls among Democrats to condition aid to Israel have intensified since what the Israeli military says was a mistaken strike that killed seven aid workers with the World Central Kitchen two weeks ago.

Fifty-six Democrats in the U.S. House of Representatives last week signed a letter spearheaded by Wisconsin Rep. Mark Pocan proposing a U.S.-led investigation into the World Central Kitchen killings and to to withhold major arms transfers until it is completed. Maryland Sen. Chris Van Hollen has been outspoken in his calls to limit aid.

A coalition of liberal groups called last week for the Biden administration to condition the transfer of arms on Israel allowing in humanitarian assistance. The dozen signatories included the Center for American Progress, a think tank long seen as among the most supportive, among left-leaning institutions, of the U.S.-Israel relationship. The New York Times on Saturday called on the Biden administration to use aid as leverage to bring Netanyahu into line.

Some of those voices spoke up for Israel on Saturday. Van Hollen, on X, formerly Twitter, supported Israel’s right to self-defense.

“I condemn the Iranian attack on Israel and support Israel’s right to defend itself against this aggression,” he said. “I also stand with [Biden] in seeking to prevent an even wider conflict that engulfs the people of the entire region.”

Pocan, posting on X, said his concerns about Gaza had not abated. “Fortunately, the retaliatory strike by Iran on Israel was mostly intercepted. But these actions following the Israeli attack in Syria is what worried me—a broader conflict bringing in the U.S.,” he said. “Everyone must stop aggressions, including in Gaza, with a priority on human life, not war.”

Israel appeared ready to leverage the reinvigorated diplomatic support it was accruing. The United Nations Security Council agreed, at Israel’s request, to convene in an emergency session on Sunday to discuss Iran’s attack.

The comity will not necessarily last. American media quoted anonymous U.S. officials as saying that Biden was wary of the breadth of any Israeli retaliation. CNN and NBC both reported that Biden was telling associates that he did not want Netanyahu to draw the United States into a broader conflict.

David Makovsky, a fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, a think tank that is regularly briefed by top U.S. and Israeli officials, said Israel would do well to preserve the renewed spirit of cooperation and support.

“Israel will have to carefully weigh [the] utility of retaliation against Biden’s urging for [a] diplomatic approach going forward,” Makovksy said on X. The “crisis should end with Iran remaining isolated.”